中美關係歷經起伏，摩擦不斷

自華盛頓在冷戰高峰期的1970年代決定放棄台北、承認北京，迄今已近半世紀。期間，中美關係歷經幾起幾伏，摩擦不斷。台灣始終是最重要、最敏感的核心問題之一。

回眸歷史，即使是當年作為美中建交基礎而簽署的三個聲明《上海公報》、《建交公報》和《八一七公報》，本應是中美關係的框架，但也曾多次成為美中台之間唇槍舌劍的源頭，導致關係僵局。

近來美中關係急速交惡，又恰逢唯一專門針對台灣問題的《八一七公報》簽署週年之際，BBC中文藉此機會，簡要梳理三個聯合公報中有關台灣的表述重點和看點，希望從中為看清美中關係的現在與未來找到一些歷史坐標。

中美建交40年：台灣如何在大國之間找出自己的路。

中美建交後中美台關係的五個關鍵時刻。

第一、《上海公報》

尼克松訪華

圖像來源，CORBIS HISTORICAL/GETTY IMAGES

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尼克松（又 尼克森 Richard Nixon）總統1972年訪華被稱作「破冰之旅」

全稱《中華人民共和國和美利堅合眾國聯合公報》，1972年2月28日美國總統尼克松（又 尼克森 Richard Nixon）訪華期間在上海與中國總理周恩來簽署。

廣告

重點：中國重申：台灣問題是阻礙中美兩國關係正常化的關鍵問題；中華人民共和國政府是中國的唯一合法政府；台灣是中國的一個省，早已歸還祖國；解放台灣是中國內政，別國無權干涉；全部美國武裝力量和軍事設施必須從台灣撤走。中國政府堅決反對任何旨在製造「一中一台」、「一個中國、兩個政府」、「兩個中國」、「台灣獨立」和鼓吹「台灣地位未定」的活動。

美國聲明：美國認識到（acknowledge），台灣海峽兩邊的所有中國人都認為只有一個中國，台灣是中國的一部分。美國政府對這一立場不提出異議。它重申對由中國人自己和平解決台灣問題的關心。考慮到這一前景，它確認從台灣撤出全部美國武裝力量和軍事設施的最終目標。在此期間，它將隨著這個地區緊張局勢的緩和逐步減少它在台灣的武裝力量和軍事設施。

看點：《上海公報》是美國首次聲明對「一個中國」的說法「不提異議」（not to challenge）。

由於這是美中兩國恢復接觸後首次聯合發表外交聲明，《上海公報》文字冗長，從歷史到現實、從立場分歧到國際背景，涵蓋面相當廣泛，台灣問題只是其中之一。

在不少台灣人看來，《上海公報》是中美台關係的一個重要歷史轉折點，美國首次聲明對「一個中國」不提異議，造成台灣在主權問題上遭到打壓，直到今天。

台灣聲音說，《上海公報》簽署時，正值美國想極力拉攏中共，台灣仍處在戒嚴統治下，人民無法自由表達。但是現今台灣已經全面走向自由民主，《上海公報》的表述已經過時。

模糊點：但是，多次在民間引起爭議的一點是，中國說，「中華人民共和國政府是中國的唯一合法政府」，美國僅說台灣是「中國」的一部分，並沒有明確這裏的中國指的是否「中華人民共和國」。

美國表明了最終從台灣撤出全部武裝力量和軍事設施的意向，但是「逐步」（progressively）這個用詞被指太過模糊，速度和幅度、最終期限和條件都沒有明確。

第二、《建交公報》

鄧小平（左）與卡特簽署文件，中華人民共和國與美國正式建交

圖像來源，GETTY IMAGES

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鄧小平（左）與卡特簽署文件，中華人民共和國與美國正式建交

全稱《中華人民共和國和美利堅合眾國關於建立外交關係的聯合公報》，1978年12月16日發表，1979年1月1日正式生效。

重點：美利堅合眾國承認（recognize）中華人民共和國政府是中國的唯一合法政府。在此範圍內，美國人民將同台灣人民保持文化、商務和其他非官方關係。

看點：這是美國首次承認北京是中國唯一的合法政府。此後，北京在國際間的地位得以提升、合法性大幅度增強，台灣則遭受了繼退出聯合國之後的另一次重大外交挫敗。

相比《上海公報》的長篇大論闡述美中兩國的立場、分歧、國際大局背景等等等等，《建交公報》相當簡短—中文官方譯本短短三百餘字。

或許，這也是中國沒有在公報中重申要解放或者和平統一台灣的原因之一。不過，在中美正式建交的同一天，中國發佈《告台灣同胞書》，闡述「和平解決台灣問題」的大政方針。

在台灣，一種長期執守的觀點是，《建交公報》催生的美國《台灣關係法》才是美台關係的重要基石。簡言之，北京在引經據典談及中美台關係時最常用的說法是「三個公報」，而台灣的心態更像是「一法三公報」。

模糊點：《建交公報》中文版說，「美利堅合眾國政府承認中國的立場，即只有一個中國，台灣是中國的一部分。」英文版則說：美國acknowledges中國的…… 這個acknowledge到底應該像《上海公報》那樣解讀為「認識到」還是「承認」？多年來也引發無數口水戰。美國方面致力保持模糊性的「認識到」，而中國方面則堅持稱美國「承認」

第三、《八一七公報》

美國總統里根與中國總理趙紫陽簽署"八一七公報"

圖像來源，AFP

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美國總統里根與中國總理趙紫陽簽署「八一七公報」

全稱《中美就解決美國向台出售武器問題的公告》，1982年8月17日簽署。

重點：美國政府聲明：向台灣出售的武器在性能和數量上將不超過中美建交後近幾年供應的水平，凖備逐步減少它對台灣的武器出售，並經過一段時間導致最後的解決。

看點：這是美中三個聯合公報中唯一專門針對台灣問題的公報，目的是解決《上海公報》和《建交公報》的遺留問題：台灣軍售。

《八一七公報》簽署歷經漫長、艱苦的談判。公報中，除了首次強調將逐步減少對台軍售之外，美國還表示，無意侵犯中國的主權和領土完整，無意干涉中國的內政，也無意執行「兩個中國」或「一中一台」政策。在北京看來，這三個「無意」說明美國在台灣問題上向中國做出了較《上海公報》和《建交公報》更為明確、嚴肅的承諾。中國重申將「爭取和平解決台灣問題」，美國對此表示「讚賞」。

《八一七公報》也是三個聯合公報中爭議最大的一個。北京一直認為美國沒有切實履行公告中的承諾，美國則以《台灣關係法》中闡明的對台承諾以及近年來台海兩岸軍力不等為由，拒絶理會北京的抗議。

台灣屢有學者指出，《八一七公報》對台灣國防安全造成極大傷害。現今中美關係快速惡化，「廢除八一七公報」的呼聲再度浮出海面。

模糊點：公告中引發長期討論的措辭包括「長期」long-term、「一段時間」over a period of time、「逐步減少」gradually reduce和「最終解決」final resolution，因為這些措辭被指過於模糊，而且可隨意解讀。

附加問題：六大保證和里根備忘錄

台灣

圖像來源，AFP

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對台軍售一直是中美爭論焦點

導致《八一七公報》成為爭議焦點的還有另外兩個元素，這就是「里根備忘錄」和「六項保證」。

在簽署《八一七公報》前，美國在台協會台北辦事處處長李潔明（James Lilley）向先總統蔣經國口頭給予六大保證：

美國不會設定停止對台軍售的日期；

美國不會修改《台灣關係法》的相關規定；

美國不會在決定對台軍售前和中國諮商；

美國不會在台灣與中國間擔任調人；

關於台灣主權，美國不會改變自身立場，這是個須由中國人自己解決的問題，且美國不會迫使台灣與中國談判；

美國不會正式承認中國對台灣的主權。

不過，北京一直質疑其效力，其「口頭」性質更被一些民間人士用來指責台灣「拿著雞毛當令箭」。

2016年5月，美國首度將「六項保證」訴諸書面文字，成為國會通過的提案。該議案不具法律力，代表的只是國會對某件事物的態度與立場。

里根備忘錄：

2019年8月底，時任美國總統國家安全事務助理的博爾頓簽署解密了1982年美國總統里根在《八一七公報》簽署後發送給時任國務卿舒爾茨和前防長溫伯格的一份備忘錄。

據報道，備忘錄稱，美國同意減少對台軍售，完全以中國是否堅持其和平解決台灣問題的基本政策為先決條件；美國對台灣提供武器的性能與數量完全依據中國大陸對台灣所構成的威脅而定，無論是數量還是性能，台灣相對於中國大陸的防衛能力都應該得到維持。

中國官方強烈抗議，美國「內部單方面搞的所謂備忘錄是錯誤和無效的」，美國向台灣出售武器「違背美方自身作出的承諾，嚴重損害中美關係。」另外也有一種聲音提出虛構質疑：如果大陸堅持和平、台灣反覆挑釁，美國軍售又該怎樣理解？

但在台灣人看來，里根備忘錄和六項保證一樣，都凸顯當時美國政界對中共的不信任。

Shanghai Communiqué

28 February 1972

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Special Envoy Henry Kissinger, President Richard Nixon, Premier Zhou Enlai, and others at table, Beijing, 23 February 1972

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Joint Communique of the United States of America and the People's Republic of China

February 28, 1972

President Richard Nixon of the United States of America visited the People's Republic of China at the invitation of Premier Chou En-lai of the People's Republic of China from February 21 to February 28, 1972. Accompanying the President were Mrs. Nixon, U.S. Secretary of State William Rogers, Assistant to the President Dr. Henry Kissinger, and other American officials.

President Nixon met with Chairman Mao Tsetung of the Communist Party of China on February 21. The two leaders had a serious and frank exchange of views on Sino-U.S. relations and world affairs.

During the visit, extensive, earnest and frank discussions were held between President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai on the normalization of relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, as well as on other matters of interest to both sides. In addition, Secretary of State William Rogers and Foreign Minister Chi Peng-fei held talks in the same spirit.

President Nixon and his party visited Peking and viewed cultural, industrial and agricultural sites, and they also toured Hangchow and Shanghai where, continuing discussions with Chinese leaders, they viewed similar places of interest.

The leaders of the People's Republic of China and the United States of America found it beneficial to have this opportunity, after so many years without contact, to present candidly to one another their views on a variety of issues. They reviewed the international situation in which important changes and great upheavals are taking place and expounded their respective positions and attitudes.

The Chinese side stated: Wherever there is oppression, there is resistance. Countries want independence, nations want liberation and the people want revolution--this has become the irresistible trend of history. All nations, big or small, should be equal: big nations should not bully the small and strong nations should not bully the weak. China will never be a superpower and it opposes hegemony and power politics of any kind. The Chinese side stated that it firmly supports the struggles of all the oppressed people and nations for freedom and liberation and that the people of all countries have the right to choose their social systems according their own wishes and the right to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their own countries and oppose foreign aggression, interference, control and subversion. All foreign troops should be withdrawn to their own countries. The Chinese side expressed its firm support to the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia in their efforts for the attainment of their goal and its firm support to the seven-point proposal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet Nam and the elaboration of February this year on the two key problems in the proposal, and to the Joint Declaration of the Summit Conference of the Indochinese Peoples. It firmly supports the eight-point program for the peaceful unification of Korea put forward by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on April 12, 1971, and the stand for the abolition of the "U.N. Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea". It firmly opposes the revival and outward expansion of Japanese militarism and firmly supports the Japanese people's desire to build an independent, democratic, peaceful and neutral Japan. It firmly maintains that India and Pakistan should, in accordance with the United Nations resolutions on the Indo-Pakistan question, immediately withdraw all their forces to their respective territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir and firmly supports the Pakistan Government and people in their struggle to preserve their independence and sovereignty and the people of Jammu and Kashmir in their struggle for the right of self-determination.

The U.S. side stated: Peace in Asia and peace in the world requires efforts both to reduce immediate tensions and to eliminate the basic causes of conflict. The United States will work for a just and secure peace: just, because it fulfills the aspirations of peoples and nations for freedom and progress; secure, because it removes the danger of foreign aggression. The United States supports individual freedom and social progress for all the peoples of the world, free of outside pressure or intervention. The United States believes that the effort to reduce tensions is served by improving communication between countries that have different ideologies so as to lessen the risks of confrontation through accident, miscalculation or misunderstanding. Countries should treat each other with mutual respect and be willing to compete peacefully, letting performance be the ultimate judge. No country should claim infallibility and each country should be prepared to reexamine its own attitudes for the common good. The United States stressed that the peoples of Indochina should be allowed to determine their destiny without outside intervention; its constant primary objective has been a negotiated solution; the eight-point proposal put forward by the Republic of Viet Nam and the United States on January 27, 1972 represents a basis for the attainment of that objective; in the absence of a negotiated settlement the United States envisages the ultimate withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the region consistent with the aim of self-determination for each country of Indochina. The United States will maintain its close ties with and support for the Republic of Korea; the United States will support efforts of the Republic of Korea to seek a relaxation of tension and increased communication in the Korean peninsula. The United States places the highest value on its friendly relations with Japan; it will continue to develop the existing close bonds. Consistent with the United Nations Security Council Resolution of december 21, 1971, the United States favors the continuation of the ceasefire between India and Pakistan and the withdrawal of all military forces to within their own territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir; the United States supports the right of the peoples of South Asia to shape their own future in peace, free of military threat, and without having the area become the subject of great power rivalry.

There are essential differences between China and the United States in their social systems and foreign policies. However, the two sides agreed that countries, regardless of their social systems, should conduct their relations on the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, non-aggression against other states, non-in- terference in the internal affairs of other states, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. International disputes should be settled on this basis, without resorting to the use or threat of force. The United States and the People's Republic of China are prepared to apply these principles to their mutual relations.

With these principles of international relations in mind the two sides stated that:

progress toward the normalization of relations between China and the United States is in the interests of all countries

both wish to reduce the danger of international military conflict

neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region and each is opposed to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony

neither is prepared to negotiate on behalf of any third party or to enter into agreements or understandings with the other directed at other states.

Both sides are of the view that it would be against the interests of the peoples of the world for any major country to collude with another against other countries, or for major countries to divide up the world into spheres of interest.

The two sides reviewed the long-standing serious disputes between China and the United States. The Chinese side reaffirmed its position: the Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of "one China, one Taiwan", "one China, two governments", "two Chinas", an "independent Taiwan" or advocate that "the status of Taiwan remains to be determined".

The U.S. side declared: The United States acknowledges that all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China. The United States Government does not challenge that position. It reaffirms its interest in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the Chinese themselves. With this prospect in mind, it affirms the ultimate objective of the withdrawal of all U.S. forces and military installations from Taiwan. In the meantime, it will progressively reduce its forces and military installations on Taiwan as the tension in the area diminishes. The two sides agreed that it is desirable to broaden the understanding between the two peoples. To this end, they discussed specific areas in such fields as science, technology, culture, sports and journalism, in which people-to-people contacts and exchanges would be mutually beneficial. Each side undertakes to facilitate the further development of such contacts and exchanges.

Both sides view bilateral trade as another area from which mutual benefit can be derived, and agreed that economic relations based on equality and mutual benefit are in the interest of the peoples of the two countries. They agree to facilitate the progressive development of trade between their two countries.

The two sides agreed that they will stay in contact through various channels, including the sending of a senior U.S. representative to Peking from time to time for concrete consultations to further the normalization of relations between the two countries and continue to exchange views on issues of common interest.

The two sides expressed the hope that the gains achieved during this visit would open up new prospects for the relations between the two countries. They believe that the normalization of relations between the two countries is not only in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the relaxation of tension in Asia and the world.

President Nixon, Mrs. Nixon and the American party expressed their appreciation for the gracious hospitality shown them by the Government and people of the People's Republic of China.

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Source: United States Information Service

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Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations

1 January 1979

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Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping with President Jimmy Carter, Washington DC, 29 January 1979

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Joint Communique of the United States of America and the People's Republic of China

January 1, 1979

(The communique was released on December 15, 1978, in Washington and Beijing.)

The United States of America and the People's Republic of China have agreed to recognize each other and to establish diplomatic relations as of January 1, 1979.

The United States of America recognizes the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legal Government of China. Within this context, the people of the United States will maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial relations with the people of Taiwan.

The United States of America and the People's Republic of China reaffirm the principles agreed on by the two sides in the Shanghai Communique and emphasize once again that:

Both wish to reduce the danger of international military conflict.

Neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region or in any other region of the world and each is opposed to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony.

Neither is prepared to negotiate on behalf of any third party or to enter into agreements or understandings with the other directed at other states.

The Government of the United States of America acknowledges the Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China.

Both believe that normalization of Sino-American relations is not only in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the cause of peace in Asia and the world.

   The United States of America and the People's Republic of China will exchange Ambassadors and establish Embassies on March 1, 1979.

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Source: United States Information Service

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The "Six Assurances" to Taiwan

July 1982

   In 1982, during negotiations for the Third United States - China Joint Communiqué on Arms Sales to Taiwan, the Taiwan government presented the United States with six points that it proposed the United States use as guidelines in conducting United States - Taiwan relations. According to former Ambassador John Holdridge, the United States agreed to these points, conveyed this assent to Taiwan, and, in late July 1982, informed the Congress of the agreement. The six points are:

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1. The United States would not set a date for termination of arms sales to Taiwan.

2. The United States would not alter the terms of the Taiwan Relations Act.

3. The United States would not consult with China in advance before making decisions about U.S. arms sales to Taiwan.

4. The United States would not mediate between Taiwan and China.

5. The United States would not alter its position about the sovereignty of Taiwan which was, that the question was one to be decided peacefully by the Chinese themselves, and would not pressure Taiwan to enter into negotiations with China.

6. The United States would not formally recognize Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan.